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History of Uganda (1962–1971)
The history of Uganda from 1962 through 1971 comprises the history of Uganda from Ugandan independence from the United Kingdom to the rise of the dictator Idi Amin.
The Ugandan state was officially named the Sovereign State of Uganda between 1963 and 1967, before becoming the Republic of Uganda upon the enactment of the 1967 constitution which ended the previous system of a republican elective monarchy wherein the President was elected by parliament from among the 5 subnational monarchs.
Early independent Uganda during this period was dominated by the regime of Milton Obote, Uganda's first Prime Minister and subsequently President, who after being deposed by Amin returned to power in the 1980s.
Tanganyika Under British Control
German East Africa
For much of the Nineteenth Century, the British were determined to use their power throughout East Africa through their influence via the
Dr. Carl Peters of the German East African Company
Sultan of Zanzibar. The Arab island owned large parts of the continent to support their slave trade and ivory trade. The British were surprised by the many secret and shady deals of Dr. Carl Peters of the German East African Company when the Germans were pushing to enter the British colonial administration aggressively. Thereafter, the German government, under Bismarck, was involved in taking over Arab opposition to their expanded trade, whereby the Sultan of Zanzibar was forced to relinquish his sovereignty to coastal areas that soon became German East Africa. Carl Peters was eventually rewarded for his efforts for awarding German East Africa a prize through his company in 1890. Penetration and settlement in the interior was difficult, and arbitration was not completed until the end of the century when the Hehe were overthrown under their Chief Mkwawa. Peace was short-lived, and in the years 1907-8 the south-southwest erupted with the outbreak of the Cold War, which was extinguished with blatant violence. German rule in Tanganyika always had a strong military flavor, and was based on the permanent presence of German-led African forces.
Despite the reputation of perfection and efficiency, this German colonial trade was still in a lot of challenges when war broke out in 1914 The worst part of this is, the largest and most expensive development agency, the railway from Dar es Salaam to Kigoma on Lake Tanganyika, was completed only a short time prior. World War I made Tanganyika as a battlefield. The British were quick to invade and seize all the German colonies overseas. However, the German commander in Tanganyika proved to be more difficult to defeat than it was in other colonial war zones. Paul von Lettow Vorbeck fought in a very powerful guerrilla warfare campaign. He captured much of Britain’s vast resources in a very disturbing campaign that swept across East and Central Africa throughout the war. In fact, he surrendered only after it became clear to him that the Germans had already signed a ceasefire agreement. Tanganyika was therefore the area of British conquest and Britain was given control over the country as a League of Nations Mandate. There was a certain amount of map redrawing that resulted with the creation of Rwanda-Belgium border and the Mozambique-Portugal border.
Tanganyika as a British Colony
After the war, the responsibility of ruling German East Africa, was handed over to Britain under the League of Nations Mandate, a fact not associated with Britain being on the side of victory. Several credible proposals were made by giving new names to the available region, but fortunately the Colonial Secretary insisted on having a non-controversial name for the first time he introduced the name of the Tanganyika Protectorate, and soon the name was changed to Tanganyika Territory. The terms of this mandate stated that ‘until the natives can stand on their own two feet under the difficult conditions of the modern world … the prosperity of the state and property as well as the development of the inhabitants of this country form a sacred trust of civilization’ in other words a trust to be controlled by the League and the governing authorities. Nothing was clarified about how quickly the inhabitants of Tanganyika could expect to be able to stand on their own two feet the principle of departure of colonialism was finally established, but its time was not indicated on the agenda. The League doctrine, which was largely drafted by the UK, was effectively the basis of future policy of British colonies, whereby colonies were being seen as the source of the self-governing States within the British Commonwealth.
During the Mandate period the existence of colonies and protectorates was considered normal, and its legitimacy was not an important issue in this context the expectations of the British Federal Government were moderate. Economic expansion in the middle of the war was not consistent, caused in part by the effects of the post-World War I and the Great Depression of the 1930s, but also by the notion of the time that economic development was the work of private capital, not of the state (Tip: example of this was the “Tanganyika Groundnut Scheme“). It was also British policy that dependent countries should, as far as possible, be financially self-sufficient. This combination of conditions meant that the promises of material and social development that were mentioned before were diminished by the small revenue generated by the Tanganyika Government. This was not enough for the task on the table, and progress was slow.
In a more positive light, a system of civil government was established which was capable of development through more modern and democratic means and at the district level, local government was built on indirect rule, in which, to varying degrees, the authorities passed through indigenous institutions and structures, under the guidance of colonial officials. This system had been established on a voluntary basis in Nigeria and Uganda and allowed the small administration to control large areas that were often overcrowded. It was considered a low-cost government system. As Sir Donald Cameron, the former governor, said ‘We cannot fulfill our responsibilities (under the mandate) if we do not teach the people the art of governance, [and] govern their own affairs … the wise and practical course is to build on… institutions within ethnic groups that have been entrenched for centuries. It is our responsibility to do everything in our power to nurture the local politically on the basis of the social standards in which he lives … It is important (for indirect rule) that the government governs through these institutions which are viewed as an integral part of government, with well-defined powers and functions recognized by law, which are not dependent on the responsibilities of the executive officer … ‘In practice, indigenous institutions were in a few areas created by the innovations of Arab and German rule, while in some areas they were not formal enough for the modern government and had to be redesigned for convenience sake. Perhaps the most foolish reason for the liberation of Africans was the poverty in the colony. The previous German colonists had shamelessly used this country for everything they could and had initiated genocides that wipe a large part of the population. As a result Tanganyika had a very weak economy. It was able to attract small investments but capitalized white settlers were more persuaded to go to the colonies that allowed white settler rule. The economic downturn of the 1930s and its impact on commodity prices did not help the situation either. The northern highlands of this colony were capable of growing some commercial crops, but the southern region seemed unsuitable for large-scale agriculture.
The effects of World War II were inevitable for all forms of development
The effects of World War II were inevitable for all forms of development, but from 1946 onwards there was a rapid pace, reflecting the spirit of the Colonial Development and Welfare Act, adopted by the British Government as an act of faith in the days of darkness of the 1940s. This law recognized the future role of HMG in actively promoting the development and disbursement of funding from the HM Fund. A notable increase in training administrative officers and specialists to provide service for the Tanganyika Government was seen, additionally there was a significant education expansion and other types of social welfare, as well as the economy, in the postwar years.
Even the failure of the Peanuts Program, designed in Westminster and implemented by the Overseas Food Corporation, had the advantage of investing in local economies and funds.
Nationalism in Tanganyika
The post-war world was also a period of hope for African patriots and various liberation movements. India was granted its independence in 1947 and Africans hoped that such liberation could be achieved on their continent also. Initially, Britain’s plans for less-developed African colonies seemed to emerge slowly. It would have taken another 10 years before the Golden Coast region gained its independence as Ghana. Nigeria was not far behind in gaining its independence. These were examples of economies that were relatively successful at least by colonial standards. The British government as a whole was content to give independence to the appropriate political units although it took precautionary measures to avoid holding non-economical colonies at the end of this process. Tanganyika was fully included in this second group. The British therefore proposed the creation of major federal political units. They formed the East African Federation of Britain in the 1950s which included Kenya, Tanganyika and Uganda. Many black Africans were concerned that this was a plan designed to prolong colonial rule. Although the plan collapsed mainly due to the Mau Mau insurgency violence in northern Kenya.
Another major change, which was the direct result of the war, was the United Nations Trusteeship to replace the former League Mandate. This was welcomed by the small political class of Tanganyika as an object of interest, as was the expectation of the United Nations Mission to visit the country for three years to report on various aspects of the British Trusteeship. This radical UN position went hand in hand with the growth of the indigenous political movement, which in turn was motivated by the participation of Africans in the struggle for democracy against the dictatorship of Axis, by views of the American and the Eastern bloc countries against colonialism, and certainly the attainment of independence in India and Pakistan in a year 1947. For many years there had been tribal associations that were primarily concerned with local development, culture, prosperity, and self-help, but which also had a political agenda that could be nurtured and developed. In the middle, the former Tanganyika African Association (TAA) gave way to the powerful Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), under the leadership of a very influential young man, Julius Nyerere in 1954.
In the same year a UN delegation visiting the country defended talks about a timetable to provide independence after more than 25 years. The British government at the time stated that since this country would probably not be ready for independence by the end of the century, the proposal that seemed pre-mature, was refused. Given that the vast majority of the rural population – more than ninety percent of the population – were dissatisfied and showed little sign of co-operation with minority demands for early independence, the rejection of the UN proposal was not generally reasonable. But the direct refusal to even discuss the issue showed a lack of creativity and political competence. This situation led to international criticism, which gave TANU the right weapons to push its agenda, which sparked several years of unnecessary friction between TANU and the Government – and its officials in that regard. The Governor’s plan, Sir Edward Twining, on the equality of power between Africans, Asians and Europeans, had to be abandoned due to the fierce hostility of Africans. Nyerere did not want a mixed-race government it had to be non-racial. He was basically right, though correctly forgotten that TANU itself for several years was open to Africans only, and that its propaganda – especially in the states – was later increasingly racist.
In 1958 the new Governor, Sir Richard Turnbull, quickly established a joint agreement with Nyerere, who recognized the position of unilateralism. He also observed, following a partial election the same year, that TANU had a clear monopoly in its opposition to the colonial government it had no real political opponents to compete with. The talks in 1959 were accompanied by the threat of general strikes and civil unrest, leading to the appointment of a fifth elected minister, and the promise of a general election in September 1960. This was followed by an independent local government, with a majority of elected ministers. More than five years after HMG rejected the UN proposal, TANU was elected by a large majority of people, winning seventy-one seats. To what extent the voters were partially affected by the threats, and by the demand to be on the winning side, it will never be known but voters registered a joint parliamentary vote with the government led by Julius Nyerere.
At the same time separate and extended talks were taking place between the Governor, the Colonial Office, and two successive Colonial Secretaries (Alan Lennox Boyd and Ian Macleod) on progress towards independence, with a target date between 1962 to 1968. Early withdrawal would ensure good intentions for public and the cooperation of a moderate and respected leader. On the contrary, the delay intended to allow African ministers and senior officials to gain experience could have led to a rebellion led by politicians who were more radical than Nyerere, and secretly armed by the Communist bloc. In a broader sense, the Conservative regime suddenly abandoned its colonial responsibilities and its costs associated with those responsibilities as well as their struggles. After the Gold Coast and the departure of Somalia, and shortly after Nigeria, an easier and more sensible choice was made. After only 15 months in office, Julius Nyerere found himself the Prime Minister of independent Tanganyika. In contrast, Ghana had seven years of local rule before independence. At midnight on December 9, 1961, the Union flag was lowered and replaced by a new national, black, green, and gold flag.
After independence Tanganyika (following a union with Zanzibar in 1964, Tanzania) achieved three decades of one-party rule and an African socialism similar to Marx’s politics before moving on to market economy and multi-party politics. It has been the recipient of most aid, the population has more than tripled, and is still one of the poorest countries in Africa. But it removed Idi Amin from Uganda unassisted, and it is to its credit that despite its size it has stayed intact, and peacefully changed the government from time to time without resorting to military coups or reforms. Explore our other article “Profile of the Country Tanzania in All Aspects” to learn more about the country that followed Tanganyika.
The Colony of Kenya
After the First World War, during which British East Africa was used as a base for operations against German East Africa, Britain annexed the inland areas of the British East Africa Protectorate and declared it a crown colony, establishing The Colony of Kenya in 1920. The coastal region remained a protectorate.
Throughout the 1920s and 30s, colonial policies eroded the rights of the African population. Further land was bought up by the colonial government, primarily in the most fertile upland areas, to be farmed by white settlers, who produced tea and coffee. Their contribution to the economy ensured their rights remained unchallenged, whereas the Kikuyu, Masai and Nandi peoples were driven from their lands or forced into poorly paid labour.
A growing nationalist movement resulted in the emergence of the Kenya African Union in 1946, led by Harry Thuku. But their inability to bring about reform from the colonial authorities led to the emergence of more militant groups.
HISTORY REFERENCE NOTES FOR BOTH ACSEE AND CSEE
Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) originated from Tanganyika African Association (TAA) which was formed in 1922 by Martin Kayamba.
TAA on its formation opened many branches all over Tanganyika and it was a national party by 1939.
Its members moved around in villages and urban centres in Tanganyika and rallied wide support among Africans.
The major concern of TAA was the slow progress in constitutional changes as by 1951 there were only four Africans on the Executive council.
TAA was transformed into TANU on 7th July, 1954 in a conference held in Dar es Salaam by Julius Nyerere who had just returned from studies in Britain and was elected chairman of TAA.
It was therefore Julius Nyerere who turned TANU into a nationwide party after transforming it from TAA.
TANU therefore was a national fundamental mass national party that was not based on ethnic ground and the members consisted of educated Africans and rural peasants and miners.
It made it clear that Tanganyika was an African territory and must be governed by majorly Africans.
Since Tanganyika was a mandate state under UN Trust Territories of the UN Trusteeship Council, TANU presented a report to the UNO visiting team proposing independence to Tanganyika.
Nyerere as the president of TANU visited the UN Secretariat in New York to explain TANU’s aims. He pressed for support and in the end he won much sympathy and respect.
TANU in 1957 demanded for independence within two years.
It demanded for elections reform of one man one vote which was rejected. Nyerere, its president then resigned his seat on the Legislative Council (LEGICO).
In 1958 elections TANU won a land slide victory to the LEGICO.
TANU got ministerial posts in 1959 when the British appointed five of its members to form part of the 12 man-council of ministers.
TANU also won the 1960 elections in which Nyerere became the Chief Minister.
It also brought national unity among the people of Tanganyika because it was a national party for both the educated and uneducated.
It worked closely with Governor Richard Turnbull to speed up the independence process for Tanganyika.
TANU requested for independence and on 9th December 1961, Tanganyika was granted.
It also campaigned for the economic and social progress of Africans such as better wages and agricultural production.
TANU promoted education in Tanganyika.
It made most of the workers in the civil service to be Africans. Special training scheme was organise to make the Africans gain skills in work.
It promoted infrastructural development in Tanganyika, for example road development.
It mobilized for support from the trade unions.
Through its peaceful approach, it made the British government to carry out political and constitutional changes in Tanganyika.
Tanganyika became a one party state in 1963, under TANU.
Tanganyika united with Zanzibar to form Tanzania in 1964 under TANU.
TANU identified and cultivated a good leader, Julius Nyerere as a capable, hardworking, foresighted and devoted leader.
In 1977, TANU combined with Afro-Shiraz Party (a party in Zanzibar) to form Chama Chama Mapinduzi (CCM), Tanzania’s ruling party.
How to date a globe
The first step is to know the manufacturer and the time the manufacturer was in operation. This will help narrow down the age of your globe by several centuries. See our list of globe makers to find yours.
Below is a listing of important discoveries and political names or border changes that are noted on most globes. This will help determine the age of your model. We have created this detailed list by combining information provided by the Vienna Globe Museum (of the National Library of Austria) and dating information of globe manufacturers such as Cram’s and Replogle.
Please keep in mind that dating globes is not a perfect science as many globes, especially up to the early 20th century displayed borders based on information provided by explorers, military and other political or commercial influences. You may find models made in the same era but in different countries not showing exactly the same information on their maps.
Please see THE “TRUTHINESS” OF GLOBES article for more details.
Quick checks to determine the approximate era of a Globe to follow up with a more detailed search:
Is Israel shown? If yes, globe was made after 1948.
Persia or Iran? Name changed to Iran in 1935.
St. Petersburg, Russia was renamed Petrograd from 1914-1924. Then, it was Leningrad from 1924 to 1991. Now, it is St. Petersburg again.
1816 – Independence of Argentina.
1817 – New Holland becomes Australia.
1818 – Chile becomes independent.
1819 – Florida ceded by Spain to U.S.
1830 – Belgium gains independence from the Netherlands.
1831 – Discovery of Endrby’s Land in Antarctic.
1838-40 – Central American Federation, consisting of Costa Rica, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua.
1845 – Texas and Florida become part of the United States.
1846 – Van Dieman’s Land becomes Tasmania.
1848 – Kilimanjaro discovered.
1849 – Mount Kenai and Ngami Lake discovered.
1850 – California becomes part of the United States.
1854 – Orange Staat independent.
1855 – Victoria Falls discovered.
1856 – Lake Tanganyika discovered.
1857 – Lake Victoria discovered.
1859 – Lombardi becomes Sardinia.
1860 – Transvaal Republic established.
1861 – Moldavia and Walachia merge to become Romania.
1864 – Lake Albert discovered.
1866 – Venice and Venezia change from being Austrian to become part of Italy.
1867 – Alaska sold by Russia to U.S.
1868 – Austro-Hungarian Empire established.
1869 – Suez Canal complete.
1872 – Pesth changes to Budapest.
1872 – Franz Joseph Land established.
1875 – Independence of Greece.
1876 – Lake Edward discovered to be a separate entity from Lake Albert.
1877 – India becomes an Empire.
1878 – Serbia, Montenegro and Romania independent.
1883 – Bolivia looses its access to the Ocean (Province Atacama).
1884/5 – German Colonies in Africa established.
1885 – Congo Free State (Congo State) established.
1888 – Lake Rudolph discovered.
1889 – Dakota in the U.S. divided into North and South.
1890 – Indian Territory established in Eastern Oklahoma.
1895 – Rhodesia replaces Ndebele territory of Zimbabwe.
1896 – Abyssinia gains Independence.
1897 – Haiti becomes protectorate of the U.S.
1898 – Cuba, Phillipines and Puerto Rico become protectorates of the U.S.
1900 – Cook Islands annexed by New Zealand.
1901 – Cuba gains Independence from the U.S.
1902 – Orange Free State established.
1903 – Panama gains independence from Colombia.
1905 – End of the Swedish-Norwegian Union (Norway independent) Sakhalin Island divided between Japan and Russia (Asia).
1907 – Indian Territory no longer visible in Eastern Oklahoma Italian Somaliland established.
1908 – Bulgaria becomes independent kingdom Congo Free State becomes Belgian Congo.
1910 – Union of South Africa established.
1911 – Rhodesia divided into North and South Morocco becomes a French colony.
1912 – Albania independent Arizona and New Mexico become part of the United States.
1913 – Ottoman Empire ceases to exist.
1914 – Opening of the Panama Canal.
1914-24 – St. Petersburg renamed Petrograd, thereafter Leningrad, until its original name (St. Petersburg) was restored in 1991.
1917 – Finland independence.
1918 – End of World War 1: Austrian-Hungarian Empire ceases to exist. Instead Austria, Hungary, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and more emerge as new countries.
1918 – Iceland gains independence.
1919 – Treaty of Versailles Independence of Afghanistan.
1920 – British East Africa becomes Kenya Palestine becomes British mandate.
1920 – Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania independent.
1922 – Russia changes to Soviet Union Egyptian independence.
1923 – Turkey becomes an independent Republic Tannu-Tuva independent Palestine established independent from Transjordan.
1924 – Petrograd changes to Leningrad Christiana, Norway renamed Oslo.
1926 – Former Russia now identified as USSR.
1926-31 – Central Australia was created out of Northern Territory.
1930 – Constantinople becomes Istanbul.
1931 – Japan invades Manchuria and renames it Manchukuo (until 1945).
1932 – Saudi Arabia and Iraq independent.
1935 – Persia becomes Iran (on US made Globes, German Globes continued calling in Persia for a few more years).
1936-41 – Ethiopia occupied by Italy and renamed Italian East Africa.
1937 – Burma separates from India.
1938 – Germany annexes Austria.
1938 – Bolivia loses Gran Chaco to Paraguay.
1939 – Bohemia (currently Czech Republic) occupied by Germany Slovakia independent France returns Hatay to Turkey.
1940 – Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania are annexed by Soviet Union.
1942 – Ecuador loses Oriente to Peru.
1944 – Lebanon independent from Syria Tannu-Tuva annexed by USSR.
1945 – End of World War II.
1946 – Philippines independent from United States.
1947 – India independent East and West Pakistan created.
1948 – Israel created (before 1948, maps say “Palestine”) Republic of Ireland independent Ceylon and Burma become independent from India.
1949 – Newfoundland and Labrador join Canada Korea divided into North and South.
1951- Libya gains independence.
1953-63 – Central African Federation.
1954 – Former French Indo-China becomes Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia.
1956 – Morocco, Tunisia independent “Anglo Egyptian Sudan” becomes Sudan.
1957 – Gold Coast becomes Ghana Malay states become Malaysia.
1958-61 – Egypt and Syria united as United Arab Republic.
1960 – French West Africa, French Equatorial Africa, Belgian Congo and other African colonies cease to exist, creating over 15 independent countries, including Niger, Chad, Somalia, Congo, Nigeria. Zaire.
1961 – Sierra Leone, Tanzania (Tanganyika) independent Kuwait independent.
1962 – Uganda, Algeria, Jamaica, Trinidad & Tobago independent.
1963 – Kenya gains independence.
1964 – Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland dissolve and become Malawi and Zambia Tanganyika and Zanzibar merge to form Tanzania.
1965 – Rhodesia independent as well as Singapore.
1966 – Botswana, Gambia, and Lesotho independent.
1967 – French Somaliland changes to Afars & Issas (Fr.).
1968 – Equatorial Guinea , Mauritius and Swaziland gain independence.
1970 – Muscat and Oman merge to become Oman.
1971 – Bahrain independent Congo changes to Zaire.
1972 – Ceylon changes to Sri Lanka.
1973 – Bahamas independence.
1974 – Guinea-Bissau independence Grenada independence.
1975 – Angola (formally Portuguese West Africa) and Mozambique independent.
1977 – Djibouti independence.
1978 – Dominica independence.
1979 – Southern Rhodesia changed to Zimbabwe.
1981 – Belize gains independence from the UK and Guatemala.
1984 – Upper Volta changes name to Burkina Faso.
1986 – Ivory Coast changes name to Côte d’Ivoire.
1989 – Burma changes name to Myanmar.
1990 – West and East Germany reunite to become one Germany North and South Yemen merge into one country, Yemen.
1991 – Soviet Union dissolves, 15 countries become independent: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Estonia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Russia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Ukraine, Uzbekistan.
1992 – Yugoslavia dissolves into 5 new countries: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Slovenia, Yugoslavia.
Tanganyika Gains Independence - History
The main threat to stability came from outside, with the revival of Arab trade into the interior on the initiative of Sultan Seyyid Said of Muscat early in the Nineteenth Century. Prior to the Portuguese ascendancy in the Sixteenth Century there had been a flourishing trade through Arab ports along the east coast, including traffic in slaves for domestic service in the Middle East. Inspired by the Portuguese use of slaves on plantations in Mozambique, and their export to both the West Indies and the French island colonies in the Indian Ocean, Sultan Seyyid followed suit, whilst also promoting the existing trade for ivory. However, it was in slaves that the greater profit lay, and in 1840 he moved his court to Zanzibar. In the third quarter of the 19th century, slaves were also employed on Arab plantations along the coast, and in Zanzibar.
Slave trading within Tanganyika was relatively small in scale, though sufficient to generate inter-tribal enmities. Most slaves were captured or bought in the Lake Nyasa region and in the eastern Congo the latter were marched down to the coast via Tabora to Bagamoyo, whilst a lesser route ran down to Pangani. Far more disruptive of the indigenous societies still establishing themselves on the inland plateau of Tanganyika, and of relations between them, was the politics implicit in the control of these trade routes and the adjacent country. In the last resort they were largely, but not entirely, controlled by the Arab and coastal Swahili merchants they sought protection and collaboration, and the tribes along and near the routes wanted payment in return, a situation which led to shifting agreements, alliances and tribal warfare as the different parties jockeyed for local advantage. After the 1850s the position became even worse as imported firearms became increasingly available. So it was that early European explorers and traders reported commonplace, though not universal, disorder in civil society. Meanwhile Zanzibar had separated from Muscat, and its Sultan claimed and exercised effective control over much of the coastal strip from northern Kenya to Mozambique. By the last quarter of the century European and American commercial interests were well-established in Zanzibar, not to trade in slaves but to seek commodities for export and to develop a new market. In this context cheap imported cotton cloth from India had an adverse effect on domestic textile production the final blow came in the form of even cheaper unbleached cotton cloth from industrial America, an import marked in the Swahili vocabulary as merekani. By this time, too, numbers of Indians had established themselves as traders in the coastal towns, and by the mid-20th century dominated retail business and much of the wholesale trade throughout East Africa.
For much of the Nineteenth Century, the British had been content to exericse their power in East Africa through their influence over the Sultan of Zanzibar. This arab island claimed control over large swathes of the mainland in order to help facilitate their slave and ivory trades. The British were to be surprised by the secret gathering of treaties by Dr Carl Peters of the German East Africa Company as the Germans sought to enter the imperial field in earnest 1 . Thereafter, the German government, under Bismarck, took a hand in overcoming Arab resistance to their expanding trading activities, and the Sultan of Zanzibar was forced to abandon his claim to the coastal areas of what was soon to become German East Africa. 2 Carl Peters was ultimately rewarded for his efforts by the awarding of German East Africa to his company's control in 1890. Penetration and occupation of the interior was patchy, and pacification was not complete until the final years of the century with the subjugation of the Hehe under their Chief Mkwawa. The peace was brief, and in 1907-8 the south and south-west erupted in the Maji Maji rebellion, which was put down with conspicuous ruthlessness. Germany’s administration of Tanganyika always had a strong military flavour, and was dependent on a permanent presence of African troops officered by Germans.
Despite a reputation for thoroughness and efficiency, this German colonial enterprise was still in the red when war broke out in 1914 ironically a major and costly agent of development, the railway from Dar-es-Salaam to Kigoma on Lake Tanganyika, had only just been completed. World War One would see Tanganyika become a highly active theatre of war. The British were quick to invade and annex all overseas German colonies. However, the German commander in Tanganyika was to proove much more difficult to subdue than in any of the other colonial theatres of war. Paul von Lettow Vorbeck fought a highly effective guerilla campaign. He tied down huge resources for the British in a highly embarrassing campaign that raged throughout Eastern and Central Africa for the entire duration of the war. In fact, he only surrendered after it had been made clear to him that the Germans had actually already signed an armistice. Tanganyika therefore became a British conquest and it was awarded control over the territory as a League of Nations Mandate. There was some reorganisation of borders finalising the Rwanda border with Belgium and the Mozambique border with Portugal.
After the war, responsibility for the administration of German East Africa 3 , was awarded to Britain under a League of Nations Mandate, a fact not unconnected with Britain having been on the winning side. Some fanciful suggestions were made for renaming the new acquisition, but fortunately the then Colonial Secretary insisted on an unambiguously native name initially designated the Tanganyika Protectorate, this was soon changed to Tanganyika Territory. The terms of the mandate stated that ‘until such time as the native peoples are able to stand by themselves under the strenuous conditions of the modern world. the material and moral well-being and the social progress of the inhabitants forms a sacred trust of civilisation’ in other words a trust to be undertaken by the League and the administering authority. Nothing was said about how soon the inhabitants might expect to be able to stand on their own feet the principle of eventual withdrawal had been established, but the timing was not yet on the agenda. The League doctrine, largely drafted by Britain, effectively became the basis of future British colonial policy, with the colonies seen as embryo self-governing Dominions within the British Commonwealth.
At the time of the Mandate the existence of colonies and protectorates were taken for granted, and their legitimacy was not an issue in this context the League’s expectations of British administration were modest. Economic expansion between the wars was fitful, attributable in part to the after-effects of the First World War and the 1930s Depression. but also to the current assumption that economic development was a function of private capital, not of governments. It was also British policy that dependencies should, as far as possible, be self-financing. This combination of circumstances meant that the promise of material and social progress referred to earlier was tempered by the limited revenues available to the Government of Tanganyika. These were simply inadequate for the job in hand, and development was slow.
More positively, a system of civil government was set up which had the potential for development on more modern and democratic lines and at district level, local administration was based on the principal of indirect rule, in which, in varying degrees, authority was exercised by and through indigenous institutions and structures, with the guidance of colonial officials. This system had been pioneered in Nigeria and Uganda and had allowed a small administration to control large areas of often densely populated peoples. It was considered a cost effective form of government. As Sir Donald Cameron, an early governor, put it ‘We cannot discharge our obligations (under the mandate) if we do not train the people in the art of administration, (and) to administer their own affairs. the wise and practical course is to build on the … tribal institutions which have been handed down through the centuries. It is our duty to do everything in our power to develop the native politically on lines suitable to the state of society in which he lives. It is an essential factor (of indirect rule) that the government rules through these institutions which are regarded as an integral part of the machinery of government, with well defined powers and functions recognised by law, and not dependent on the caprice of an executive officer.’ In practice, nominally native institutions were in a few areas creations of Arab and German rule, whilst in others they were simply too unsophisticated for modern government and were reinvented out of expediency. Perhaps a more cynical reason for the granting of rights to the Africans was the relative poverty of the colony. The previous German colonists had shamelessly exploited the territory for all that they could and had launched massacres and murders of large scale sections of the population. Tanganyika was therefore a very fragile economy. It could attract little investment and white settlers with access to capital were more inclined to go to those colonies which granted white settler self-government. The depression of the 1930s and its impact on commodity prices did not help the situation either. The northern highlands of the colony were capable of growing some cash crops, but the south was found to be unsuitable for intensive agriculture.
The impact of the Second World War was inevitably disruptive of all forms of development, but from 1946 on there was a marked acceleration, reflecting the spirit of the Colonial Development and Welfare Act, passed by the British Government as an act of faith in the dark days of 1940. The Act acknowledged the future rôle of HMG in actively promoting development with an injection of funding from HM Treasury. There was a marked increase in the recruitment of administrative and specialist officers into the Tanganyika Government Service, and there was a significant expansion of education and other forms of social welfare, as well as the economy, in the post-war years. Even the notorious failure of the Groundnut Scheme, dreamed up in Westminster and implemented by the Overseas Food Corporation, had the advantage of putting money into the economy and local pockets.
The post war world was also a period of of hope for African nationalists and various independence movements. India was granted its independence in 1947 and Africans were hopeful that similar provisions could be made in their own continent. At first, British plans for the relatively under-developed African colonies seemed to be rather slow in emerging. It would take another 10 years before the Gold Coast received its independence as Ghana. Nigeria was not too far behind in getting its independence. These were examples of relatively successful economies at least by colonial standards. The British government was generally content to hand over independence to viable political units although they were wary of being left holding the uneconomic colonies at the end of this process. Tanganyika was firmly in this latter category. They therefore proposed the creation of large federated political units. They created the British East Africa Federation in the 1950s combining Kenya with Tanganyika and Uganda. Many black Africans were concerned that this was a scheme designed to prolong colonial rule. Although the scheme collapsed more because of the violence of the Mau Mau rebellion north in Kenya.
Another major change, a direct outcome of the war, was the substitution of UN Trusteeship for the old League Mandate. This was welcomed by the small Tanganyikan political class as being favourable to their aspirations, as was the prospect of a three-yearly UN Visiting Mission to report on various aspects of Britain’s Trusteeship. This pro-active stance of the UN coincided with the growth of an indigenous political movement, which in turn had been stimulated by Africans’ participation in the democracies’ war against the Axis dictatorships, by the anti-colonial attitudes of the U.S.A. and the Eastern bloc countries, and of course the achievement of independence by India and Pakistan in 1947. For many years there had been tribal associations which were primarily concerned with local progress, culture, welfare, and self-help, but which also had a political content which was susceptible to fertilisation and growth. At the centre, the old Tanganyika African Association gave way to the more overtly political and aggressive Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) under the leadership of the young and charismatic Julius Nyerere in 1954.
In the same year a UN visiting mission advocated negotiation of a timetable leading to independence over 25 years. The British Government of the day opined that since the country could not possibly be ready for self-government until towards the end of the century, the recommendation was premature, and it was rejected. In the sense that a majority of the rural population – over ninety percent of the whole – were not overtly discontented and showed little obvious sign of sharing the minority wish for early independence, rejection of the UN proposal was not entirely unreasonable. But the outright refusal to even discuss the matter showed a lack of imagination and political acumen. It ensured international criticism, presented TANU with ammunition which it was not slow to use, and initiated several years of unnecessarily aggravated friction between TANU and the Government – and of course its officers in the field. An initiative by the Governor, Sir Edward Twining, for power to be shared equally by Africans, Asians and Europeans, had to be abandoned in the face of African hostility. Nyerere was not having multi-racial government it had to be non-racial. In principle he was right, though it is conveniently overlooked that TANU itself was for some years open only to Africans, and that its propaganda – most notably in the provinces – had latterly become increasingly racist.
In 1958 a new Governor, Sir Richard Turnbull, quickly established a mutual rapport with Nyerere, whose essential moderation he recognised. He also saw, following the partial elections in the same year, that TANU had a virtual monopoly in its opposition to the colonial government it had no real political opponents to contend with. Negotiations in 1959 were accompanied by the threat of a general strike and civil disobedience, and led to the appointment of a fifth elected minister, and the promise of a general election in September 1960. This would be followed by internal self-government, with a majority of elected ministers. Little more than five years after HMG’s rejection of the UN proposal, TANU was elected by an overwhelming majority, winning seventy of the seventy-one seats. To what extent the electorate was in part influenced by intimidation, and by the wish to be on the winning side, will never be known but it registered a resounding collective vote for a legislature and government led by Julius Nyerere.
Meanwhile a separate and extended dialogue was taking place between the Governor, Colonial Office, and two successive Colonial Secretaries (Alan Lennox Boyd and Iain Macleod) regarding progress towards independence, with target dates ranging from 1962 to 1968 4 . Early withdrawal would ensure public goodwill and the co-operation of a moderate and respected leader. Conversely, a well-intended delay to allow ministers and senior African officials to gain experience might invite an insurrection led by more extreme politicians than Nyerere, and armed clandestinely by the Communist bloc. On the wider scene, a Conservative administration quite suddenly turned away from its colonial responsibilities and its associated costs and brickbats. With the Gold Coast and Somaliland gone, and most recently Nigeria, the easier and more prudent option was taken. After barely fifteen months of practice in office, Julius Nyerere found himself Prime Minister of an independent Tanganyika. By comparison, Ghana had seven years of internal self-rule before independence. At midnight on December 9th 1961, the Union flags came down and were replaced by the new national flag of black, green and gold.
After independence Tanganyika (following union with Zanzibar in 1964, Tanzania) experienced three decades of one-party rule and quasi-Marxist African socialism before turning towards a market economy and multi-party politics. It has been the recipient of massive aid, the population has more than tripled, and it is still one of the poorest countries in Africa. But it got rid of Idi Amin in Uganda unaided, and it is to its credit that a country of its size has held together, and peaceably changed governments from time to time without recourse to military coup or revolution.
In collaboration with Don Barton
2. The Sultan had also been preoccupied with fighting a rival Arab dynasty to the north. ↩
3. Excluding Ruanda-Urundi which went to Belgium. ↩
4. For details of these exchanges see: Prof. John Iliffe, ‘Tanzania Zamani’,Vol III.No.2 1997 (ISSN.0856-6518) Published for Dept. of History, University of Dar es Salaam and Historial Assoc. of Tanzania. ↩
|1892 German Map of East Africa |
1897 German Map of East Africa
Map of WW1 East African Campaign
1922 Map of East Africa
1922 Map of Africa
1925 German Map of East Africa which still shows German East Africa
Map of Njombe Region, 1944
Map of Northern Tanganyika
Map of North-Eastern Tanganyika, 1946
Map of Northern Tanganyika and Lake Victoria, 1948
Map of Tanganyika, 1948
Map of South-Western Tanganyika, 1949
Map of Western Tanganyika, 1949
Map of North-Eastern Tanganyika, 1956
Map of Tanganyika, 1957
Map of Handeni District, 1957
Map of Nzega District, 1957
Map of Kisarawe District, 1957
Map of Dar es Salaam District, 1957
Map of Dar es Salaam Centre, 1957
Map of Morogoro, 1958
Map of Dar Es Salaam District, 1958
Geological Map of Tanganyika, 1959
1962 Map of North East Tanganyika
1962 Map of Tanganyika
1962 Map of East Africa
EAR&H Road Services Route Map
1969 Map of Southern Tanzania
|Images of Tanganyika |
National Archive Tanganyika Images
|1918 - 1961|
|1918 - 1961|
|PDFs of the East African Railways and Harbours Magazines |
East Africa Women's League
|Shout at the Devil|
|The History of the EAR&H Tanganyika Road Services |
David Snowden's Father worked for the East African Railways and Harbours (Road Services) in the 1950s and 1960s. The author recounts the contribution that this organisation made to the transportation and communications in the last years of British rule in Tanganyika. The idea was to integrate the roads into the railway and port hubs and to provide an integrated transport infrastructure that would facilitate trade, communications and the movement of people. It became integral in allowing Tanganyika to develop commercially and for it to become plugged into both regional and international markets.
An Affair With Africa: Tanganyika Remembered
District Officer in Tanganyika: 1956 - 1960
The Winds and Wounds of Change: 1961 - 1965
Mutiny by the Tanganyika Army in 1964
The Cattle-Raiders' Blessing
The Career of W L Heape Colonial Administrator 1919 - 1958
In the Wake of the Germans
Naval Action on Lake Tanganyika
Tales From The African Bush
Nurse in Other Lands
A Tanganyika Smeller-out of Witches
Danger of Spilling Blood
Death by Spearing - Nearly
Call Me Madam
Building My Road
Agricultural Officer, Tanganyika 1955-65
Autobiography, and Africa too
Passage from Mwanza to Kisumu
An Anatomy of the Tanganyika Administration in 1959
A Brief Encounter with Vultures: A 1961 'Blackburn Beverley' Food Drop
Advent of Radio & Broadcasting in Tanganyika: The African Archers
Not a Wisdom Tooth
A War Effort in Tanganyika
How Not to Learn Swahili
Resettlement of Suspected Mau Mau Sympathisers in Tanganyika An Agriculturist's Involvement
Life as a Colonial Service Child in Tanganyika
Big Bang near Kilimanjaro
Bwana Miti, Rongai, Tanganyika
Safari - Old Style
Cadet to Governor
Marking a Boundary and Heighting a Mountain
Meeting the Governor
Did colonial government neglect development?
A District Team in Action
Rescue at the Boma in Utete
Flight From Danger
Quality instead of Quantity: an Agricultural Officer's aim
When Northern Rhodesia invaded Tanganyika
Stopping a Tribal Clash in Tanganyika
A Tribute to Ukiriguru and James Peat
How a Tanganyika District ensured a Sustainable Supply of Firewood and Building Poles
I Remember Mbulu District, Tanganyika
Finally, on September 18, one contingency force of “blue berets” (an international military force) was deployed to East Timor, consisting initially of 2500 men, later extended to 8000, including Australians, British, French, Italians, Malaysians, North Americans, Brazilians and Argentineans, among others. The peacekeeping mission, led by Brazilian Sérgio Vieira de Mello, aimed at disarming the militias and supporting the transition process and the country’s reconstruction.
Portugal and many other countries organized campaigns in order to collect donations, provisions and books. The situation was slowly taken under control with the progressive disarming of the militias and the beginning of the reconstruction of houses, schools and other infrastructures. Xanana Gusmão returned to the country, as well as other Timorese who had gone into exile, including many with university education. Elections were held for a Constituent Assembly that became responsible for drafting Timor-Leste’s Constitution. This document came into force on May 20, 2002, on the same day the country was given its sovereignty. This day is now known as Restoration of Independence Day.
The Republic of Tanganyika is a unitary presidential democratic republic, whereby the President of Tanzania is both head of state and head of government, and of a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in both the government and parliament. The party system is dominated by the Chama Cha Mapinduzi (Revolutionary State Party). The Judiciary is independent of the executive and the legislature.
The governments of the other Tanganyikan states vary widely. While they all subscribe to some form of democracy, the specific systems differ. Maasailand is a tribal confederation with all political power invested in the various tribes. The central Kagera is a monarchical confederation with a parliamentary democracy, while each individual kingdom is typical some sort of constitutional monarchy. The Union of Rukwa and Ruvuma are one-party states with a government similar to that of Tanganyika. Unyamwezi is a multi-party democracy with authority divided between three levels of governance: the tribe, the region, and the district.
Tanzania is about twice the size of California or 939,652 square miles in area (363,950 square kilometers). Its capital city, Dar es Salaam, has nearly 2 million residents. The proposed new capital, Dodoma, has just over 1 million residents. Tanzania has 32 million people. Zanzibar has 1.5 million people, while mainland Tanzania has 30.5 million inhabitants. Most Tanzanians live along the edges of the country on the coast and in the mountains, such as the Kilimanjaro region, the Pare, and the Usambara Mountains of the north. Many also live along the fertile lakeshores of Lake Victoria and Lake Tanganyika and along the fertile southern highlands. The center of the country is very dry, sparsely inhabited, and infested with tsetse flies that cause sleeping sickness in cattle and humans. This limits population buildup despite desirable land. Similarly, the fertile southern highlands are under populated due to disease this explains why no dairy industry has developed there. Tanzania's population is growing at 2 percent per year, modest by African standards. Approximately 75 percent of the population is rural, and most people are subsistence farmers or pastoralists. The remaining 25 percent live in a handful of cities, such as Dar es Salaam, Tanga, Arusha, Moshi, Bukoba, Iringa, and Mwanza. Tanzania's urban population, however, is exploding. At independence in 1961, only 6 percent of Tanzanians were urban. Most urban growth is due to rural to urban migration. Roughly 99 percent of Tanzanians are Africans with the remaining 1 percent divided among East Asians, Europeans, and Arabs.
Life expectancy at birth is 42 years, and the infant mortality rate is 104.8 per 1,000 births. Tanzania has 1 doctor for every 22,900 people. The average person consumes 87 percent of the recommended daily caloric intake. Tanzania's African population can be divided into 120 ethnic groups. The majority is of Bantu origin, and the largest ethnic group is the Sukuma. Nilotic speaking groups such as the Maasai, are also quite large. Tanzania's population is 30 percent Christian, 30 percent Muslim, and 40 percent animist.
Tanganyika is a republic, which attained self-governance on 9 December 1961 within the British Commonwealth of Nations. It attained complete independence in 1962 and became a republic. By 1964, mainland Tanganyika united with the People's Republic of Zanzibar to form the United Republic of Tanzania.
No Tanzanian African languages were written, so youth learned by listening carefully to older people and by watching and imitating their behavior. Having a good memory was important. The Waswahili ethnic group was formed between A.D. 200 and 500 along the Tanzania and Kenya coasts. These people are Bantu speaking Africans who intermarried with Arabs, East Indians, and Portuguese. Their language reflects these mixtures because it includes many Arabic and Hindi, as well as Portuguese and German, loanwords. Originally it was written by using an Arabic script, with extra letters to denote vowels today written Swahili uses the Roman alphabet. From A.D. 700 on, Arabs colonized large regions of Tanzania. They introduced both spoken and written Arabic through Koran schools, which they used to teach their religion, Islam. Swahili speakers lived in coastal city-states, much like ancient Athens in Greece. Malindi and other city-states traded with distant lands, such as India and China. Armed struggle was ongoing against foreign invaders and by the early 1500s the Portuguese, using technology unknown in East Africa at the time, conquered many Swahili city-states. The Portuguese ruled the East Coast of Africa for roughly two centuries, but the Swahili never accepted them, and constant war was the norm.
When Germany colonized what was then Tanganyika in the 1880s, it introduced European education, science, mathematics, and engineering, as well as the German language. Such education went no further than elementary school and was limited to a few missionary-controlled schools.
In 1891 the German Governor, Von Soden, created a Western system of education to help cement the loyalty of Africans and provide inexpensive labor. The difficulty experienced suppressing the Bushiri Muslim revolt engendered respect for Islam in Von Soden. He paid Muslim teachers to visit government schools and used Swahili as the main medium of instruction. In an official 1903 circular he stated that his goals were:
From 1918 on, England administered Tanganyika and Zanzibar as League of Nations Trust territories. England added government subsidies to the German educational system, but otherwise did not fundamentally change it. Mission schools offered basic literacy, hygiene, mathematics, and religious and moral education. Most Africans found schools disruptive of their agricultural cycles and avoided them as superfluous.
Under a dual mandate England was to control Tanganyika and Zanzibar until they could learn to govern themselves, at which point it was to grant them independence. Fearing that this would not take place, Julius Nyerere argued in favor of immediate independence following World War II, and, in 1961, Tanganyika peacefully won its independence. Tanzania however was ill prepared for independence. The first secondary school was opened in 1930, and when World War II ended in 1945, only one school offered education through the twelfth grade in the entire country. It had six students. Colonial education expanded after 1950, but mainly in urban areas. Bright high school graduates were sent to Makerere College in Uganda or the Royal Technical College in Kenya (Nairobi University). By 1959 only 70 Tanzanian African had earned university degrees and 20 of these were teachers.
In 1954, less than 10 percent of Tanzania's children were in school. The colonial educational system was inadequate for the needs of an independent nation. Illiteracy was so widespread that elementary education was offered to all who desired it. Talented students won seats in high schools and at universities free of charge. After independence, education was offered by the government to all who could prove that they could benefit from it. As costs mounted, this policy became too expensive and was modified.
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